When an Islamist preacher took up the fight in Burkina Faso’s northern borderlands almost a decade ago, his only weapon was a radio station. The words he spoke kindled the anger of a frustrated population and helped turn their homes into a breeding ground for jihad.
Residents of this parched region in the Sahel remember applauding Ibrahim “Malam” Dicko as he denounced his country’s Western-backed government and racketeering police over the airwaves.
“We cheered,” said Adama Kone, a 32-year-old teacher from Djibo near the frontier with Mali, one of those thrilled by Dicko’s words. “He understood our anger. He gave Fulani youth a new confidence.”
Mostly herders, young men like Kone from the Fulani people were feeling hemmed in by more prosperous farmers, who they felt government in Ouagadougou favoured. The preacher successfully exploited their conflicts over dwindling land and water resources and the frustrations of people angered by corrupt and ineffective government, to launch the country’s first indigenous jihadi movement. That cleared a path for groups affiliated with al Qaeda and Islamic State.
Since Dicko’s first broadcasts, Burkina Faso became the focus of a determined jihadi campaign by three of West Africa’s most dangerous armed groups who carved out influence in nearly a third of the country, while much of the world focused on crisis in neighbouring Mali. Militant Islamist fighters close schools, gun down Christians in their places of worship and booby-trap corpses to blow up first responders. At least 39 people died last week in an ambush on a convoy ferrying workers from a Canadian-owned mine in the country. There has been no claim for that ambush, but the modus operandi – a bomb attack on military escorts followed by gunmen unleashing bullets – is characteristic of Islamist groups.
Since 2016, violence killed more than a thousand and displaced nearly half a million – most this year.
In 2019, at least 755 people died through October in violence involving jihadist groups across Burkina Faso, according to Reuters’ analysis of political violence events recorded by the Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project, an NGO. Actual numbers are likely higher – researchers aren’t always able to identify who is involved in the violence.
Teacher Kone is one of many of Dicko’s former supporters who regret earlier enthusiasm.
“We handed them the microphones in our mosques,” he said. “By the time we realised what they were up to, it was too late.”
He fled to Ouagadougou two years ago, after armed Islamists showed up at his school. More than 2 000 schools closed due to violence, the UN children’s fund UNICEF said in August.
A LOCAL CHANNEL
A lean, bespectacled Fulani from the north, Malam Dicko broadcast a message of equality and modesty. He reportedly died of illness in 2017, but his sermons channelled deep grievances in Burkina Faso’s north where impoverished people have long been frustrated by corrupt officials.
The province of northern Burkina Faso where Dicko lived scores 2.7 on the United Nations Human Development Index, compared with six for the area around the capital, Ouagadougou. About 40% of its children are stunted by malnutrition, against only 6% in the capital, according to US AID.
From Ouagadougou to Djibo is a four-hour drive on a road which deteroirates into a sandy track. Sparse villages dot a landscape of sand and withered trees. Goats feed on scrappy patches of grass.
Residents complain their few interactions with the state tend to be predatory: Bureaucrats demand money to issue title deeds for houses and never provide the papers; gendarmes charge up to $40 to take down a complaint; there are mysterious taxes and extortion at police roadblocks. Lieutenant Colonel Kanou Coulibaly, a military police squadron commander and head of training for Burkina Faso’s armed forces, acknowledged northerners “feel marginalised and abandoned by central government.”
In 2010 preacher Dicko, who studied in Saudi Arabia in the 1980s, began tapping this discontent, recalled Kone and other former Djibo residents. He denounced corruption by traditional religious leaders and practices he deemed un-Islamic, including lavish wedding and naming ceremonies.
The movement he created, Ansarul Islam (Defenders of Islam), opened a path to militants from outside Burkina Faso — particularly Mali.
Early in 2013, French forces were pounding northern Mali to wrest control from al Qaeda-linked fighters who seized the region the previous year. Dicko slipped over the border to join the militants, said Oumarou Ibrahim, a Sufi preacher who knew Dicko and was close to the number two in his movement, Amadou Boly.
In Mali, Ibrahim said, Dicko linked up with Amadou Koufa, a fellow Fulani whose forces unleashed turmoil on central Mali in recent years. French forces detained the pair near the border with Algeria; Dicko was released in 2015.
He set up his own training camp in a forest along the Mali-Burkina border, Kone, the teacher, and Ibrahim, the Sufi preacher, told Reuters.
Dicko forged ties with Malian armed bandits who controlled drug and livestock trade routes.
On the radio that year, he urged youth to back him, “even at the cost of spilling blood.”
“WHITES AND COLONISERS”
For some years Burkina Faso’s president, Blaise Compaore, managed to maintain good relations with Mali’s Islamists. In 2014 he tried to change the constitution to extend his 27-year-rule. Residents of the capital drove him from office.
Without Compaore, Burkina Faso became a target. Barely two weeks into a new presidency, in January 2016, an attack on the Splendid Hotel and a restaurant in Ouagadougou killed 30 people. It was claimed by al Qaeda-linked militants based in northern Mali.
Dicko became even more radical after that falling out with associates including his number two, Boly.
Ibrahim, the Sufi preacher, said Boly came to his house in Belhoro village in November 2016, agitated because Dicko ordered him to raise cash for AK-47s and grenade launchers from Mali.
Boly refused. Dicko threatened him, Ibrahim said. Boly was either with him, “or with the whites and the colonisers.”
Two weeks later, gunmen assassinated Boly outside his Djibo home. Ibrahim fled his own village the next day.
The teacher Kone heard the gunshots. A wave of killings followed. Militants assassinated civil servants, blew up security posts and executed school teachers.
In May 2017, Kone was running late for school when he got a phone call from a colleague. Armed men from Dicko’s movement asked after him. He shuttered the school and sped to Ouagadougou.
Now headed by Dicko’s brother Jafar, Ansarul Islam was sanctioned by the United States in February 2018. None of its leaders could be reached.
It still controls much of Burkina Faso’s northern border area but two other groups have built a presence on the country’s borders, according to the European Council on Foreign Relations. Islamic State in the Greater Sahara dominates the eastern frontier with Niger. Koufa’s Macina Liberation Front, closely aligned to al Qaeda, is active on the western border with Mali.
These spheres of influence can be loose: Fighters for all three are believed to co-operate with each other and bandit groups.
Their attacks – including the kidnap and killing of a Canadian citizen in January claimed by Islamic State – are more brutal. In one instance in March, a Burkinabe security official told Reuters, militants stitched a bomb in a corpse and dressed it in army uniform, killing two medics – a technique used by Malian fighters.
Recent attacks on churches killed about 20 people and a priest was kidnapped in March.
The European Union and member states committed eight billion euros ($9 billion) over six years to tackling poverty but so far, responses from Ouagadougou and the West have been predominantly military.
The United Nations spent a billion dollars a year since 2014 on a 15 000-strong peacekeeping force in Mali. Almost 200 members have been killed – its deadliest mission ever.
France has 4 500 troops across the region. The United States has set up drone bases, held annual training exercises and sent 800 troops to the deserts of Niger. Led by France, Western powers provided funding and training to a regional counter-terrorism force known as G5 Sahel made up of soldiers from Mali, Niger, Burkina Faso, Chad and Mauritania.
Islamist violence spread to places previously untouched by it, as tensions like those that first kindled support for Dicko intensify.
“You have a solution that is absolutely militarised to a problem that is absolutely political,” said Rinaldo Depagne, West Africa project director at International Crisis Group, an independent think tank. “The security response is not addressing these problems.”
CYCLE OF ABUSE
That a large number of recruits are Fulani triggered a backlash by other ethnic groups and those who fled northern Burkina Faso say they had scant protection.
A woman said gunmen on motorcycles attacked her village, Biguelel, last December. The gunmen accused her family of colluding with “terrorists” simply because they were Fulani. They torched her home and shot her husband and others dead, but she escaped.
The next day the woman, Mariam Dicko, and about 40 others went to a military police post in nearby Yirgou. “They said it was over now, so they couldn’t help us,” said Dicko – a common surname in the country.
Kanou, the military police commander, acknowledged troops were sometimes not present when needed. “When patrols are attacked, it’s more difficult,” he added. “We have to protect ourselves.”
As Western forces rely increasingly on their Sahel partners, rights groups and residents say they overlook abuses by locals. Four witnesses described summary executions of suspected insurgents during search operations. These included an incident in Belhoro on February 3 when security forces ordered nine men out of their homes and shot them dead, according to women who saw the killings.
New York-based Human Rights Watch documented 19 incidents in a March report, during which it says 116 men and boys were captured and killed by security forces. Government said the army is committed to human rights and is investigating the allegations. “In our struggle there will necessarily be innocent victims, not because we want to, but because we are in a tough zone,” Kanou said. US Ambassador Andrew Young said America takes up “mistakes” with government.
In November 2018, Burkinabe forces raided the village home of a lab technician at a clinic in Djibo, accusing his 60-year-old father of being a terrorist, two friends told Reuters. They killed the father in front of his son.
The following week technician, Jibril Dicko, didn’t show up for work. His phone was dead. Neighbours said he joined the jihad.